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Armadura de placa usada por homens de armas lutando a pé 1380-1415

Armadura de placa usada por homens de armas lutando a pé 1380-1415


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Estou interessado em quantas chapas e quais elementos de chapa exatamente foram usados ​​por homens de armas / soldados na virada do século XIV em diferentes partes da Europa.

Estabeleci que um homem típico de armas usava algum tipo de capacete, geralmente um chapéu de chaleira, e uma forma de manoplas de ampulheta, geralmente com cota de malha simplificada / sem proteção dos dedos.

Havia algum outro elemento de placa usado por homens de armas? Estou especialmente interessado em qualquer evidência do uso de elmos fechados ou algum tipo de proteção facial / garganta usada por eles. Que tal proteção articular?

Quaisquer descobertas seriam bem-vindas, o mesmo para a iconografia, só que nesse caso eu pediria o contexto e a datação exata do ícone. Às vezes, a iconografia mostrava pessoas com armaduras bizarras, as chamadas "armaduras simuladas", para ridicularizar a pessoa retratada.


Armor Essentials

Os fundamentos da transição do chicote de malha do século XII para a armadura de placas totalmente desenvolvida do homem de armas do século XV podem ser resumidos da seguinte forma:

Articulações: A placa de ferro ou as defesas de couro endurecido para os cotovelos, joelhos e canelas apareceram pela primeira vez em meados do século XIII e, durante os cento e cinquenta anos seguintes, a proteção para braços e mãos, pernas e pés tornou-se cada vez mais completa.

Tronco: De meados ao final do século XIII, o torso de um homem de armas bem equipado seria protegido por uma túnica de tecido ou couro forrada com placas de metal - uma capa de placas, que em meados do século XIV seria ser complementado, ou totalmente substituído, por uma placa peitoral sólida. Por baixo, uma cota de malha continuou a ser usada, embora ainda fosse comum usar uma armadura de casaco por fora, embora houvesse muitas variações locais nisso. Na Inglaterra, por exemplo, o sobretudo foi substituído por uma túnica curta e justa.

Cabeça: Do início a meados do século XIV, o bascinet com viseira com malha aventail para proteger o pescoço estava substituindo o grande elmo e touca de topo redondo para fins práticos de campanha. As viseiras vieram em uma variedade de formas. O mais simples, comum na Alemanha e na Itália, consistia em um nariz que, quando não enganchado na testa do bacinete, pendia do aventail no queixo. Freqüentemente, de fato, os homens lutavam em bacinetes sem qualquer tipo de viseira.

Armamento e blindagem: Com o desenvolvimento de uma armadura de placa totalmente articulada, o escudo agora se tornou amplamente redundante. O surgimento da armadura de placas também provocou uma mudança no armamento primário do homem de armas. A espada de lâmina chata, que fornecia um gume eficaz contra a cota de malha, foi gradualmente substituída durante o século XIV por uma de lâmina mais rígida que se estreitava em uma ponta aguda, muitas vezes reforçada, projetada para uma ação de estocada contra a armadura de placas.

O bronze memorial de Sir Hugh Hastings (falecido em 1347) na igreja de Elsing, Norfolk. Com figuras de flanco representando alguns dos companheiros de armas de Hastings, este é um conjunto intrigantemente variado de armadura corporal de meados do século XIV. Observe os bacinetes com viseira, os túnicas com saia, um chapéu de caldeira de formato curioso (embaixo à direita), um machado (embaixo à esquerda) e a figura montada de São Jorge acima da cabeça de Hastings.

Papel dos homens de armas

No final do século XIV, quando essa iluminação foi pintada, os homens de armas normalmente lutavam a pé, em vez de a cavalo. Artistas contemporâneos, no entanto, continuaram a descrever as cenas de batalha como confrontos dramáticos de cavaleiros montados.

Como o combate mostrado aqui ocorreu em uma ponte, o artista nos deu um raro vislumbre de como os homens de armas do século XIV realmente desdobraram e manejaram suas armas quando lutavam como infantaria pesada. Como de costume nas batalhas de infantaria medieval, os defensores (à esquerda), capazes de manter uma melhor ordem, acabaram vencendo a luta.

Adquirindo armadura

A menos que fornecido por um senhor ou patrono, ou possivelmente em cumprimento das obrigações militares de uma comunidade local, o equipamento de um aspirante a soldado seria de sua responsabilidade. Embora a armadura de placas produzida em massa no final da Idade Média possa ter sido relativamente menos cara do que as cotas de malha dos séculos anteriores, equipar-se para a guerra a partir do zero continuou a ser um negócio caro.

Conseqüentemente, a qualidade das armas e armaduras de um homem teria oferecido uma indicação clara de seu lugar na hierarquia social da elite militar. Muitas das evidências remanescentes retratam os arreios atualizados de nobres bem equipados; mas, na realidade, a guerra na Europa do século XIV envolvia uma multidão heterogênea de nobres sem perspectivas e lanças livres para cavalheiros, muitos dos quais teriam lutado com armaduras de qualidade desigual.


Fontes e sugestões de leitura:

Guerra no mundo medieval por Carey, Allfree e Cairns

Guerra medieval: uma história por Maurice Keen

Batalha na ponte sobre o Sena British Library Images Online


Os homens armados variavam muito em riqueza e status. Meu conhecimento é baseado na Inglaterra e na área de guerra de cem anos, mas você deve encontrar muitas semelhanças universais. No início de 1300, cerca de 20-30% eram cavaleiros, embora no início de 1400 isso tenha caído para cerca de 10%. Os cavaleiros recebiam 2 xelins por dia como pagamento, enquanto os homens comuns recebiam a metade. Você pode somar isso e comparar com os preços de vários tipos de armadura. Geralmente, eles serviam como cavalaria blindada ou infantaria pesada e, portanto, eram pelo menos equipados da mesma forma que os cavaleiros, com vários níveis de qualidade. É claro que você deve primeiro ter em mente que não havia uniforme naquela época, e eles escolhiam os equipamentos com base em suas preferências pessoais e no que podiam pagar. Outro fator foi o saque no campo de batalha, que certamente foi um benefício usado por todas as classes para atualizar seus equipamentos. Havia, portanto, muita mistura com pedaços de placa, cota de malha e bergantim. Uma coisa mais certa é o que realmente se exigia deles como homens de armas. Eles eram uma base de cavalaria pesada e precisavam de um cavalo de guerra que valia cerca de 10 libras. Este pode ser um destrier (de preferência) ou um courser. Lanças eram necessárias para carregar como uma unidade. Portanto, eles tinham que pelo menos acompanhar os cavaleiros. Para pintar um quadro do homem comum de armas, imagine uma cota de malha com placa nas juntas (ombros, cotovelos, joelhos) placa três quartos nas pernas ou talas ou chausses, qualquer capacete, embora se ele mesmo o comprou, provavelmente um modelo mais antigo. Uma lança pesada e uma espada, maça ou machado eram suas armas. Portanto, ele poderia parecer um cavaleiro pobre, mas com potencial para ser mais rico. A guerra podia ser muito lucrativa e, especialmente nessa época, até soldados camponeses como arqueiros enriqueciam.


Batalha de Agincourt

o Batalha de Agincourt (/ ˈ æ ʒ ɪ n k ɔːr (t), - k ʊər / [a] Francês: Azincourt [azɛ̃kuʁ]) foi uma vitória inglesa na Guerra dos Cem Anos. Aconteceu em 25 de outubro de 1415 (Dia de São Crispim) perto de Azincourt, no norte da França. [b] A inesperada vitória inglesa contra o exército francês numericamente superior aumentou o moral e o prestígio ingleses, paralisou a França e deu início a um novo período de domínio inglês na guerra.

Após várias décadas de relativa paz, os ingleses retomaram a guerra em 1415, em meio ao fracasso das negociações com os franceses. Na campanha que se seguiu, muitos soldados morreram de doenças e o número de ingleses diminuiu. Eles tentaram se retirar para Calais, controlada pelos ingleses, mas encontraram seu caminho bloqueado por um exército francês consideravelmente maior. Apesar da desvantagem numérica, a batalha terminou com uma vitória esmagadora para os ingleses.

O rei Henrique V da Inglaterra liderou suas tropas na batalha e participou de combates corpo a corpo. O rei Carlos VI da França não comandou o exército francês, pois sofria de doenças psicóticas e incapacidade mental associada. Os franceses eram comandados pelo condestável Charles d'Albret e vários proeminentes nobres franceses do partido Armagnac. Esta batalha é notável pelo uso do arco longo inglês em grande número, com os arqueiros ingleses e galeses representando quase 80 por cento do exército de Henrique.

Agincourt é uma das vitórias mais celebradas da Inglaterra e foi um dos triunfos ingleses mais importantes na Guerra dos Cem Anos, junto com a Batalha de Crécy (1346) e a Batalha de Poitiers (1356). É a peça central da peça de William Shakespeare Henry V, escrito em 1599.


Desafio de Armas

Grandes torneios eram eventos caros. Nem todos tinham dinheiro para participar, muito menos para organizar um. Os cavaleiros comuns, portanto, encontraram uma maneira de organizar seus próprios pequenos torneios, chamados de desafios às armas.

Imitando as passagens de armas de seus superiores ricos, esses cavaleiros lançariam um desafio para outros enfrentá-los de uma forma particular para o combate organizado. Por exemplo, em 1390, quatro cavaleiros entraram nas listas de St. Inglevert, na França, declarando que enfrentariam todos os adversários.

Desafio de armas no Castelo de Warwick (coleção de autores)

Essas disputas às vezes eram um acréscimo cavalheiresco ao complicado negócio da guerra. Em 1398, sete cavaleiros franceses lançaram um desafio aos cavaleiros da Inglaterra, com os quais eles travavam a Guerra dos Cem Anos. Eles usariam um símbolo de diamante em sua armadura por três anos, durante os quais os cavaleiros ingleses eram bem-vindos para desafiá-los para um combate um-a-um. Isso começaria com a lança, como uma justa organizada, depois seria seguida pela espada, machado e punhal. As apostas foram especificadas para o que o vencedor ganharia do perdedor.


Glossário e termos da armadura medieval

Armet & # 8211 um capacete com viseira justa que parece ter se originado na Itália em algum momento antes de 1450 e permaneceu em uso durante os séculos XV e XVI. A armadura era mais leve e mais protetora do que o bascinet e fazia uso de uma nova inovação de peças articuladas para bochechas. Dessa forma, o capacete poderia ser fechado em volta da cabeça, e o peso suportado pelo gorjal e pelos ombros. O braço foi suplantado pelo capacete fechado, por sua vez.

Boné de Arme & # 8211 um boné acolchoado usado sob o capacete.

Arnis & # 8211 Italiano para & # 8220harness & # 8221, o termo histórico para ser & # 8220in armadura & # 8221.

Barbute & # 8211 outro projeto de capacete italiano de meados do século 15, o barbuta ou barbuta era um capacete justo que vinha em uma variedade de formas abertas e fechadas. Seu design mais famoso, tinha uma fenda em forma de "Y" ou "T" na face para fornecer visão e ventilação, e foi claramente modelado em antigos capacetes gregos clássicos.

Bascinet & # 8211 um capacete em forma de bacia, que evoluiu a partir do pequeno capacete de aço usado sob o grande elmo. O bascinet foi inicialmente aberto, mas como suplantou o elmo como a defesa primária, uma variedade de visores articulados foram desenvolvidos. Bascinets estavam em uso de meados do século XIV a meados do século XV, e ainda eram usados ​​ocasionalmente por soldados de infantaria no início do século XVI.

Besagew & # 8211 um roundel grande e deslizante, protegendo uma articulação, como a parte interna do cotovelo ou a axila.

Bevor & # 8211 também chamado de baviere ou beavor. O bevor era uma peça de armadura do século 15 que protegia a parte inferior do rosto quando usada com uma sallet. Podia ser afixado ao capacete da placa de proteção e muitas vezes era articulado, de modo que pudesse ser abaixado quando não estava em uso.

Chefe & # 8211 A placa de metal redonda ou em forma de cone no centro de um escudo, protegendo a mão. Também chamado de umbo.

Respirações & # 8211 Orifícios na viseira ou placa frontal de um capacete para fornecer ventilação.

Brigandine
& # 8211 Um tipo de revestimento de placas (veja abaixo) com centenas de pequenas placas sobrepostas, proporcionando grande mobilidade com um pequeno custo de proteção. Popular nos séculos 15 e 16, o brigandine era geralmente usado sobre acolchoamento, mas não sobre a correspondência.

Buckler & # 8211 Um pequeno escudo redondo (9 & # 8211 18 & # 8243 de diâmetro) preso na mão com uma única alça ou dois enarmes. O nome broquel é uma corruptela da palavra francesa arcaica bocler que significa chefe, que se refere ao chefe ou umbo no centro do escudo. Tornou-se uma questão de conveniência classificar o broquel como um escudo de mão pequeno e ágil. A definição é conveniente de usar, mas o leitor deve estar ciente de que os antigos não eram tão pedantes sobre tais definições e usavam o termo indiferentemente. Usados ​​desde os tempos medievais, os broquéis eram redondos ou mesmo quadrados, aprox. 8-20 e # 8243 e feitos de metal, madeira ou madeira aparada com metal. Geralmente era segurado com o punho fechado e usado para desviar ou socar em golpes e estocadas. A borda também pode ser usada para golpear e bloquear. Alguns tinham pontas de metal compridas na frente para atacar ou barras e ganchos colocados na frente para prender a ponta do florete de um oponente. Italiano & # 8220rondash & # 8221 ou & # 8220bochiero. & # 8221

Casaco polido & # 8211 um casaco pesado de couro amarelo, usado um piqueiro e armadura de artilheiro na Renascença, sozinho ou sob um peitoral. Casacos de lã também costumavam ser usados ​​como proteção leve durante o duelo com floretes ou espadas.

Burgonet & # 8211 um capacete aberto com uma crista e protetores de bochecha, usado no final do século 16 e início do século 17.

Byrnie & # 8211 uma cota de malha, na altura da coxa, com mangas na altura do cotovelo. Este foi o principal órgão de defesa dos guerreiros ricos desde o final da Antiguidade até o início do século XI.

Camail & # 8211 uma cortina de malha, pendurada na parte inferior do capacete, como uma defesa para o queixo, pescoço, garganta e ombros.

Cap-a-pie & # 8211 uma expressão do francês antigo, que significa estar armado da cabeça aos pés.

Chausses & # 8211 leggings. No caso de armadura, perneiras de cota de malha, amarradas ao cinto por tiras de couro e geralmente usadas sobre calças acolchoadas.

Fechar-capacete & # 8211 uma forma de capacete completo e justo, dos séculos XVI e XVII. O elmo fechado claramente derivou do braço, que suplantou.

Armadura de casaco & # 8211 Uma vestimenta do final da Idade Média, particularmente popular em torneios, que mostrava a heráldica do usuário ou de seu senhor.

Brasão & # 8211 Chapas de aço, osso ou couro endurecido rebitadas ou costuradas dentro de uma cobertura de couro ou tecido pesado, para fornecer uma forma flexível de armadura de chapa. No final dos séculos 13 e 14, o brasão de placas teria sido usado sobre uma cota de malha.

Coif
& # 8211 um capuz de tecido ou malha, usado sob o capacete.

Couter
& # 8211 armadura de placa protegendo o cotovelo. Freqüentemente equipado com um besagew.

Couraça & # 8211 uma armadura completa de placa, composta de uma placa peitoral, placa traseira e, às vezes, franjas.

Cuirbouilli & # 8211 couro, endurecido por fervura em água, usado como material para armaduras, principalmente nos séculos XIII e XIV.

Cuisse & # 8211 armadura para as coxas. As primeiras cuises eram simplesmente vestimentas acolchoadas, como um aketon, mas o termo também foi aplicado posteriormente às defesas de placas.

Enarmes & # 8211 tiras de couro usadas para segurar um escudo ou broquel.

Gambeson & # 8211 às vezes usado para se referir ao aketon, o gambeson mais comumente no período referido a uma armadura de casaco acolchoado e decorado do final do século 14, usado sobre o peitoral, ou sozinho.

Gardebras & # 8211 um arnês de braço completo, composto de couter, vambrace e rerebrace.

Manopla & # 8211 uma luva blindada, geralmente formada por uma única placa para as costas da mão e placas menores sobrepostas para os dedos, permitindo que eles se movam facilmente.

Gorget & # 8211 uma placa protetora bem ajustada para o pescoço, garganta e parte superior do tórax.

Grande Elmo
& # 8211 o primeiro capacete na Idade Média a abranger toda a cabeça, geralmente feito de quatro ou cinco chapas de ferro rebitadas juntas e usado sobre uma cota de malha e, às vezes, um pequeno gorro de aço em forma de crânio. Os grandes elmos apareceram pela primeira vez na última década do século 12 e se espalharam no século XIII e no início do século XIV. Eles permaneceram a forma dominante de capacete de torneio na Renascença, tornando-se progressivamente mais pesados ​​e maciços. Depois de 1420, os elmos desciam até os ombros e eram aparafusados ​​no peito e nas costas.

Greave & # 8211 armadura para a canela e panturrilha.

Guige & # 8211 A tira que pendura um escudo nos ombros ou pescoço

Aproveitar
& # 8211 o termo medieval comum para armadura.

Haubergeon & # 8211 uma cota de malha com as saias longas removidas, de modo que terminava entre a virilha e o meio da coxa, geralmente com uma bainha denteada. A cota de malha era usada dessa forma nos séculos 14 e 15, geralmente sob alguma forma de defesa de placas.

Cota de malha & # 8211 uma cota de malha longa, na altura do joelho ou mais longa, inicialmente com meias mangas, que no século XII se estendia até o pulso. Mais tarde, a manga de cota ficou ainda mais justa e terminou em luvas de malha chamadas cachecóis. Embora haja uma distinção clara entre a cota de malha e a cota de malha, conforme observado acima, nos primeiros escritos os dois termos eram usados ​​alternadamente. A cota de malha foi a principal armadura corporal dos séculos XI e 8211.

Jack & # 8211 um casaco defensivo barato de tecido ou couro, com pequenos pratos ensanduichados e costurados entre suas camadas.

Jupon
& # 8211 uma túnica curta e justa, usada sobre a armadura no século XIV e no início do século XV. Feita com várias espessuras de tecido, a outra camada costumava ser um rico veludo ou seda, com os braços do proprietário bordados ou aplicados.

Chapeuzinho & # 8211 um chapéu de ferro liso com aba larga, quase idêntico aos capacetes de defesa civil do século 20, ou aos dos “pastores” ingleses da Primeira Guerra Mundial. O chapéu-chaleira foi uma defesa comum dos séculos 12 a 15.

Lammelar & # 8211 que se acredita ter se originado na Ásia, uma forma semi-rígida de armadura que consiste em pequenas placas de metal perfuradas, sobrepostas e amarradas. Lammellar foi usado desde a Antiguidade até o século 20, mas fora da Europa Oriental (e em menor extensão, Escandinávia e Sicília) era conhecido, mas nunca popular, no Ocidente.

Correspondência & # 8211 um tipo de armadura formada por anéis perfurados de uma folha de metal ou rebitados individualmente. Uma cota de malha pode ter mais de 20.000 anéis. A cota de malha era flexível e, quando devidamente presa ao cinto, razoavelmente confortável, mas era uma proteção insuficiente contra estocadas ou força de concussão, a menos que fosse usada com acolchoamento pesado por baixo. Em meados do século 13, as primeiras placas de defesa adicionais foram adicionadas na canela, cotovelos e joelhos, mas antes da Guerra dos Cem Anos (c.1338 e # 8211 1453) o cavaleiro ainda estava essencialmente armado com armadura. No final do século 14, a correspondência era uma defesa corporal primária apenas para cavaleiros pobres e soldados comuns, mas continuou a ser usada como saias e proteção de axilas & # 8211 áreas que as placas não podiam proteger, durante todo o período. Observe que o termo cota de malha é uma "invenção" incorreta, vitoriana.

Morion & # 8211 uma forma tardia de capacete (c. 1570 & # 8211 1650) com uma aba fortemente curvada e um “pente” alto no topo. Associado no imaginário popular aos conquistadores espanhóis, o estilo na verdade se desenvolveu após as conquistas iniciais da Espanha nas Américas.

Par de Pratos & # 8211 uma defesa do corpo, com placas maiores do que uma camada de placas padrão, mas ainda não uma placa peitoral sólida.

Pauldron & # 8211 placa de armadura para os ombros, composta de várias placas sobrepostas e articuladas.

Poleyn & # 8211 placa de armadura para o joelho.

Reabrir & # 8211 armadura para a parte superior do braço.

Sabaton & # 8211, armadura de pé de aço articulada.

Salade / Sallet & # 8211 um capacete dos séculos 15 e 16, geralmente com uma pequena viseira articulada e uma cauda longa e articulada, para proteger a nuca. As variantes existiam tanto para soldados quanto para homens de armas.

Escudo & # 8211 um dispositivo defensivo que veio em uma variedade de formas e tamanhos, feito de madeira ou metal revestido de couro e pendurado no braço por uma série de tiras, ou agarrado por uma alça.

Vistas & # 8211 a 'ranhura do olho' na viseira de um capacete. Também chamado de occularium.

Armadura cravejada e com talas & # 8211 um termo algumas vezes dado à armadura de transição do século 14, na qual uma variedade de materiais rígidos eram rebitados em tiras ou placas para o interior de tecidos pesados ​​ou revestimentos de couro.

Sobretudo & # 8211 uma vestimenta de tecido longa, semelhante a uma túnica, usada sobre a armadura, em uma variedade de formas, de 1170 a 1420. O sobretudo inicial era quase do comprimento do calcanhar e, progressivamente, tornou-se mais curto e mais justo. Surcoats serviam a uma variedade de propósitos. Em primeiro lugar, eles mantiveram uma certa quantidade de chuva e sujeira longe da armadura. Em segundo lugar, eles forneceram uma tela para proteger a armadura de metal do calor do sol. Terceiro, eles se tornaram um pano de fundo para a exibição do brasão de armas do usuário.

Tabard & # 8211 uma peça de roupa simples, semelhante a uma sobrecasaca, cortada nas laterais, com a frente e as costas presas por laços que podem ser apertados ou soltos. Tabardos eram usados ​​em torneios para exibir a heráldica dos cavaleiros no final do século 15 e sobrevivem hoje como as vestimentas elaboradas usadas por oficiais do Colégio Inglês de Heralds em ocasiões cerimoniais.

Targe & # 8211 Um targe (& # 8220targa & # 8221 ou italiano & # 8220rondella & # 8221) era um pequeno escudo de madeira com capa de couro e acabamento em couro ou metal. Algumas versões posteriores da Renascença foram feitas inteiramente de aço. Os alvos eram usados ​​no braço como os escudos típicos. Eles também eram geralmente planos em vez de convexos. A & # 8220targe & # 8221 na verdade vem de pequenos & # 8220targets & # 8221 colocados em manequins de prática de arco e flecha.

Alvo & # 8211 um escudo redondo, montado no braço, usado ao longo da história. A maioria dos alvos era grande (30 & # 8211 36 ”) e feita de madeira, mas na Renascença, uma versão menor (24” de diâmetro) de aço tornou-se popular.

Tassets & # 8211 Placas sobrepostas que cobrem a junção do quadril e da coxa em um traje completo de armadura de placas.


Lutando com escudos

O que sabemos sobre os diferentes escudos usados ​​ao longo da história na batalha?

Os mais pesados ​​eram mais resistentes ao ataque? Quais foram as melhores para manobrar na luta? Certamente os escudos pesados ​​iriam atrapalhar em algum ponto? Ou foi devido a um bom treinamento no uso do escudo?

Brisieis

O escudo Buckler 'bouclier' era um pequeno escudo redondo usado para proteger as mãos da mão em espada e até mesmo usado como um punho de metal para acertar o rosto do oponente.

Aqui está um clipe para mostrar o tamanho do escudo.

[ame = http: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buckler] Buckler - Wikipedia, a enciclopédia livre [/ ame]

[ame = http: //www.youtube.com/watch? v = c67kRMp48JY & ampfeature = related] Sword & amp Buckler - Adventon 2010 - YouTube [/ ame]

SPERRO

O escudo Buckler 'bouclier' era um pequeno escudo redondo usado para proteção da mão em espada e até mesmo usado como um punho de metal para acertar o rosto do oponente.

Aqui está um clipe para mostrar o tamanho do escudo.

Brisieis

SPERRO

Brisieis

SPERRO

isso seria correto, os avanços na produção de blindagens de placas tiveram esse efeito.

outra razão era que os homens armados lutavam de uma maneira ligeiramente diferente (espadas longas de duas mãos, etc.), o que significava que um escudo não podia mais ser carregado.

O escudo ainda era mantido para justas, no entanto, como os cavaleiros montados eram mais inclinados a lutar a pé, as cargas de cavalaria (quando um escudo era necessário) estavam se tornando uma coisa do passado.

Brisieis

isso seria correto, os avanços na produção de blindagem de placas tiveram esse efeito.

outra razão era que os homens armados lutavam de uma maneira ligeiramente diferente (espadas longas de duas mãos, etc.), o que significava que um escudo não podia mais ser carregado.

O escudo ainda era mantido para justas, no entanto, como os cavaleiros montados eram mais inclinados a lutar a pé, as cargas de cavalaria (quando um escudo era necessário) estavam se tornando uma coisa do passado.


Perguntas sobre armadura medieval

Tenho algumas perguntas sobre armaduras medievais, do século 10 ao 12 na Inglaterra, Escócia e França, etc.

  1. Existem termos para diferenciar a cota de malha que cobria apenas parcialmente o corpo, ou seja, o torso, e a cota de malha que cobria todo o corpo da cabeça aos pés?
  2. Existem diferentes tipos de correspondência, como algumas sendo mais pesadas ou mais finas do que outras, ou os soldados simplesmente colocaram uma camada extra para obter mais proteção?
  3. Já vi pessoas reencenar soldados ingleses medievais e eles tinham jaquetas grossas feitas de algum tecido com pequenas placas de aço encaixadas. Como se chama isso? Isso era mais eficaz ou mais barato do que o correio?
  4. Havia uma diferença comum na armadura para cavaleiros montados e homens de armas a pé?
  5. Os camponeses cobrados pagavam por suas próprias armaduras?

Bart Dale

Tenho algumas perguntas sobre armaduras medievais, do século 10 ao 12 na Inglaterra, Escócia e França, etc.

  1. Existem termos para diferenciar a cota de malha que cobria apenas parcialmente o corpo, ou seja, o torso, e a cota de malha que cobria todo o corpo da cabeça aos pés?
  2. Existem diferentes tipos de correspondência, como algumas mais pesadas ou mais finas do que outras, ou os soldados simplesmente colocaram uma camada extra para obter mais proteção?
  3. Já vi pessoas reencenar soldados ingleses medievais e eles tinham jaquetas grossas feitas de algum tecido com pequenas placas de aço encaixadas. Como se chama isso? Isso era mais eficaz ou mais barato do que o correio?
  4. Havia uma diferença comum na armadura para cavaleiros montados e homens de armas a pé?
  5. Os camponeses cobrados pagavam por suas próprias armaduras?

Aqui está um link com uma imagem que mostra os vários componentes da armadura medieval: Armadura Europeia.

Outro link é [ame = http: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Components_of_medieval_armour] Componentes da armadura medieval - Wikipedia, a enciclopédia livre [/ ame]

1. Existem diferentes nomes para a armadura das diferentes partes do corpo - uma cota de malha cobria o tronco e as mangas, a touca (capuz) que pode ser parte da cota de malha cobria a cabeça, etc.

2. Sim, existem diferentes graus de correspondência. Havia um e-mail & quotduplo & quot em que foram usados ​​2 toques em vez de um:

[citação =]
No século XIII surge a correspondência com faixas, mostrada em efígies e outras representações. A técnica consistia na passagem de uma tira de couro por cada linha alternada de anéis, para dar mais força. A mala dupla às vezes é exibida em monumentos esculpidos e é construída da mesma maneira que a mala simples. No entanto, dois links seriam usados ​​juntos em todos os casos, enquanto apenas um é usado em um único e-mail. Armadura medieval de cota de malha: da conquista normanda até o século 16 [/ quote]

3. Essas jaquetas com barras de ferro costuradas são chamadas de & quotbrigandine & quot [ame = http: //en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brigandine] Brigandine - Wikipedia, a enciclopédia livre [/ ame]

4. Sim, acredito que houve. As brigadinas eram usadas principalmente por homens de pé, não por cavaleiros montados, e muitas vezes as pernas dos homens de pé ficavam desprotegidas. Em geral, os cavaleiros montados usavam mais e melhores armaduras.

5. Sim, os soldados europeus medievais tinham que fornecer suas próprias armaduras em sua maior parte.

Ichon

1. Respondido bem acima ou consulte

2. Havia diferentes graus de correspondência, mas não uma mensuração comum ou sistema descritivo que foi transmitido até hoje. Claro que as pessoas pagariam mais ou menos dependendo da qualidade percebida, mas a metalurgia não era uma ciência precisa naquela época, então mesmo bons ferreiros não faziam armaduras de qualidade. Em armaduras testadas e algumas cotas de malha raras, a qualidade mesmo dentro de uma couraça varia e as qualidades de proteção podem mudar significativamente. Uma grande parte do valor agregado da armadura era a estética, mas uma proteção mais alta custava mais, porque mais peças eram necessárias para mais proteção e poderia haver componentes de qualidade superior ou inferior. Mesmo antes das suítes full plate, havia muitas combinações de armadura que podiam ser usadas de acordo com a preferência, disponibilidade ou custo.

3. Normalmente, o que você parece estar se referindo seria brigandine, mas havia várias formas de armadura, então se você ver reencenadores pergunte a eles.

4. É uma questão um pouco complicada, na verdade, porque os homens em armas foram um desenvolvimento posterior nos exércitos medievais e muitas vezes estavam bem protegidos e muitas vezes os cavaleiros lutavam desmontados. Além disso, a diferença entre um homem de armas e um cavaleiro nem sempre é clara em muitas regiões e épocas. Se você tivesse riqueza para uma armadura e tempo para treinar para lutar, muitas vezes era empregado de um aristocrata ou era apenas um, exceto o título. Alguns lugares, como a França, tinham uma distinção clara entre homens que lutavam principalmente para lutar e aqueles que não o faziam, pois a riqueza que permitia um cavalo de guerra era geralmente maior do que aquela que poderia pagar por uma armadura e treinamento especializado. Muitos homens armados montaram cavalos na marcha, mas lutaram apeados. A outra questão é como os exércitos foram formados. Freqüentemente, um cavaleiro ou pessoa com um título superior recebia ordens de comparecer a uma reunião com um certo número de homens. Às vezes, a ordem especifica se os homens deveriam ser montados, como armados (escudo, arco, lança), mas na maioria das vezes essas ordens eram usadas apenas como uma diretriz ou simplesmente tomadas como uma ordem para comparecer pessoalmente com tantos homens da área local como queria lutar e tinha recursos para isso. Lutar na campanha era caro porque significava que o trabalho em casa não estava sendo feito e até mesmo os senhores tinham coisas para cuidar, como um vizinho que ficava em casa movendo fronteiras ou cobrando pedágios na ausência do verdadeiro dono.

Por último, alguns lugares como Polônia, Itália, ERE, Levante, etc. organizaram seus exércitos de maneira muito diferente. Na Polônia havia cavaleiros, mas uma porção maior do exército era composta de homens livres ou tão próximos quanto uma classe média que podemos chamar na era medieval. A Itália tinha cavaleiros, mas apenas pequenos séquitos, enquanto a maioria dos exércitos era paga por impostos municipais ou, mais tarde, por tributos de cidades-estados menores que muitas vezes pagavam por mercenários. A ERE teve um serviço militar financiado pelo estado por um longo tempo e mesmo em seu declínio esse modelo apenas desapareceu lentamente. O Levante era ainda mais complicado devido às preferências que dependiam da religião, etnia, política local e riqueza. Freqüentemente, a maior parte do exército seria composta de voluntários motivados por pilhagem ou dever religioso. Os profissionais geralmente eram escravos ou mercenários, mas muitas vezes bem armados e provavelmente em número um pouco maior do que em um exército medieval típico da era inicial, embora essa relação tenha mudado com o tempo.

5. Levies muito raramente tinham armaduras de metal - às vezes a infantaria de longo prazo que lutava como mercenários ou inimigos roubados / resgatados usava armaduras decentes, mas seus números eram normalmente menores do que o resto.


Armas e armaduras de Bannockburn II

Este pequeno artigo é uma extensão da peça do autor apresentada na última edição, Medieval Warfare IV-3, explorando o equipamento de guerra dos homens de armas do início do século XIV na Batalha de Bannockburn, conforme reconstruído no reino digital para o National Trust for Scotland é o novo centro de visitantes da Escócia no local da batalha. Embora os ricos senhores e cavaleiros possam ter sido o elemento mais glamoroso e colorido dos exércitos medievais, os soldados comuns geralmente constituíam a maioria das forças. Como conselheiro de Armas e Armaduras do Projeto Bannockburn, o autor foi responsável por informar os designers e artistas digitais sobre o equipamento usado por todos os participantes da batalha, ricos e pobres, nobre cavaleiro e humilde soldado da infantaria. A natureza dos soldados comuns era mais diversa do que muitos poderiam esperar.

Traçando o perfil dos exércitos: tipologia do guerreiro medieval

While the men-at-arms on both sides at Bannockburn were a clear and very distinctive group, otherwise the two armies were somewhat different in composition. Both sides employed a number of different types of fighting man, armed and deployed in particular ways. The first step in reconstructing the equipment of these opposing common forces for the Bannockburn Project was to break down each side into its compositional elements. Not only was the English army much larger, its strengths and weaknesses differed significantly from those of the Scots. To assist the creation of several sets of digital ‘characters’, ‘Character Profiles’ were developed by the author to define the constituent parts of the two sides. The various ranks of men-at-arms have already been discussed in the print companion to the present article.

The English

Hobelars

Hobelars were essentially heavy infantryman who rode to the battlefield before dismounting to fight. Some could also fight as light cavalry if required. Their equipment was essentially the same as that of lower-ranking men-at-arms, the one notable difference being perhaps a general use of open-faced helmets – iron war hats or bascinets – rather than the fully-enclosed helms of the heavy cavalry. The main hobelar weapon was a light spear, somewhat shorter than the heavy cavalry lances used by the men-at-arms.

Longbowmen

It is a common misconception that all longbowmen were drawn from the poorest elements of medieval society. In fact the archers serving in the English army were, like the men-at-arms, probably a very diverse company. Some would have possessed armour of a decent quality, although there was not much in the way of uniformity or consistency. An iron skull-cap and a padded gambeson would have been all many possessed, while others had mail shirts and war hats. There is also some evidence for other pieces of armour made of densely padded cloth, such as mantles to protect the neck and shoulders. Inexpensive helmets seem also to have been made out of hardened leather or padded linen. Since archers were also expected to defend themselves at close-quarters, they carried swords, bucklers, short axes and other small hand-weapons along with their bows and arrows.

The longbow was usually only slightly shorter than the man shooting it. Quivers did not exist – arrows were carried in bunches thrust through the belt or stuck into the ground when shooting, and carried in cloth bags or stored in barrels when travelling.

Although a few of the strongest archers might have been armed with heavy bows with draw weights of 150 pounds or more, most would have shot weapons of between 100 and 130 pounds. An archer had to be able to shoot continually, potentially until his arrows were exhausted. It was therefore less vital that an archer shot at his maximum draw-weight and much more important that he was able to shoot consistently and reliably over an extended period of time. Although maximum range of the Anglo-Welsh warbows could extend to around 200 yards, their effective range was 50-100 yards. At this distance they had a chance of piercing the textile, mail and plate armour of the enemy, although this was never an easy task.

Crossbowmen

Overall the crossbowmen in the English army would have been equipped in quite a similar way to the longbowmen, apart from their choice of weapon.

The early fourteenth century was a time of great innovation in crossbow technology. Their stout bows were still being made out of wood, often the yew also used for longbows. However they were also increasingly made in a composite construction – strips of ibex or goat horn glued together formed the core, over which layers of frayed animal tendon were placed, and the whole wrapped in birch bark to seal out moisture. The most advanced bows, however, were made of tempered steel. This was a very new technology in 1314 the first documentary references to steel bows appear only around 1300.

The crossbow was a powerful weapon, with a much greater draw weight than the longbow. However the short bolts shot from the crossbow were also heavier, while the bolt’s acceleration time on the bowstring was much briefer both of these factors meant that much more bow-strength was required to cast a crossbow bolt the same distance as a longbow arrow. The range and striking power of the crossbows at Bannockburn may not actually have been very different in real terms from those of the longbows deployed alongside them. The crossbow’s key advantage lay in the ease of its use. Only a short time was required to teach the operation of a crossbow, a stark contrast to the lifetime’s practice, beginning in childhood, which was essential for good longbow shooting.

Mixed infantry

The majority of the English infantry forces at Bannockburn were made up of ‘mixed’ fighting men, armed and armoured in a heterogeneous way. A wide range of weapons was employed, including long-hafted axes, swords and bucklers, and short infantry spears – these must be clearly distinguished from the much longer schiltron spears of the Scots.

Armour is also quite varied, but was generally of one inexpensive form or another – mostly padded textile coats. It does, however, appear that mail and scale armour was worn by those who were able to get ahold of it, even among the common soldiery. War hats were often once again the helmets of choice, made of iron or hardened leather reinforced with iron, although other forms of head protection such as skull-caps of iron, hardened leather, or even scale construction, were also typical.

The Scots

Light cavalry/Border horsemen

The Scots had no heavy cavalry at Bannockburn. Instead, their knights and men-at-arms fought almost exclusively on foot. The Bruce’s army did, however, include a body of light cavalry, probably made up mostly of men from the Scottish Borders. Riding small fell ponies or ‘Galloway nags’, these mobile and rugged horsemen were equipped in a similar way to the better-armed spearmen in the schiltrons, with quilted aketons or gambesons and iron helmets, but usually no leg armour. Their weapon was the light cavalry spear, which later gave these troops the nickname ‘prickers’. Other weapons might include the arming sword and dagger. Like their English hobelar counterparts, the Scottish light cavalry would sometimes dismount to fight on foot.

Spearmen

The expertly-drilled spearmen who comprised the backbone of The Bruce’s army were defined by their very long spears, used en masse in well-disciplined formations to create the famous Scottish schiltrons. Schiltron spears were significantly longer than typical infantry or cavalry spears, and were used both defensively against cavalry and offensively in advancing blocks. Armour for the well-armed Scottish spearman ideally comprised a padded aketon, plate gauntlets, and a bascinet or skull-cap. Some probably also had mail armour. Many had little or nothing in the way of protective equipment. At King Robert’s Parliament at Scone in 1318, the minimum military gear his subjects were required to maintain was defined. Men worth £10 had to have a bascinet or war hat, aketon and/or mail shirt, plate gauntlets, sword and spear. Poorer men were ordered to possess a spear or bow and arrows, but armour was not mandatory. It is reasonable to suggest that at Scone Bruce was enacting in law a standard he had already been trying to achieve and maintain for some time. Some of the Scottish infantry at Bannockburn were probably already equipped in line with the higher of the two 1318 standards, but many others probably were not. A few may have carried swords for close-quarters defence, but primarily Bruce’s spearmen relied on what the written sources term ‘knife-men’- mixed infantry carrying short hand-weapons, seeded in amongst the spears, to provide protection and support as well as a close-range offensive capability.

Mixed infantry

The Bruce deployed mixed infantry with his schiltrons, tasked with protecting the spearmen and ordered to take advantage of any opportunities provided by them – for example the killing or capturing of English heavy cavalrymen halted or felled by the wall of spears, like the Earl of Gloucester (see On the cover in MW IV-3). Some had textile and mail armour, and hardened leather or iron helmets, but most, drawn from the poorest peasant class, had little or no protection. These light infantry were modestly armed, with small axes, long knives or even farm implements.

Highland Infantry

The body of Highland warriors under the personal command of Robert the Bruce would probably have been armed in much the same way as the rest of the Scots infantry forces. There may, however, have been certain visual features which would have distinguished the so-called ‘wild Irish’. For example, they are more likely to have worn their hair and beards long. The few higher status individuals among them, chieftains and their bodyguards, probably wore quilted aketons or gambesons supplemented with mail, iron helmets and in a few cases, some partial plate leg armour. However, the majority almost certainly did not wear armour of any sort. Most carried the distinctive Highland round shield, which had not yet developed the ornate patterns of decorative tacks and brass plates so closely associated with Highland targes of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The medieval targe could act as companion to a sword, axe or spear.

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Medieval Sabatons or Sollerets

o Sabaton ou Solleret is a flexible steel piece of armour that covered the foot of a knight. They started to appear from the mid-14th century onwards.

Sabatons weren’t popular among men at arms fighting on foot. Instead, they were preferred by mounted soldiers as the feet would be at the perfect height for strikes from dismounted soldiers.

Fourteenth and fifteenth century sabatons usually ended in a tapered point or poulaine that went (well) beyond the wearer’s foot. This end imitated a type of shoe called crackows, which were popular at the time. These ends could be removed when the knight dismounted.

Sabatons were made of riveted iron plates called lames.

Mail and Plate Sabatons

In certain areas, like Italy, sabatons were made of mail. Sometimes, mail and plate sabatons are depicted side by side, indicating a knight might choose which one to use. While sabatons were preferred by mounted warriors (whose legs are exposed to attacks), mail sabatons might have been chosen for fighting on foot.

How to Wear a Sabaton

Sabatons were usually the first piece of armour to be put on. In order for them to work and protect the foot correctly, the plates have to be articulated so the sabaton can take the shape of the shoe underneath. Sometimes, the gaps between the sabaton and the greave were protected by mail, smaller plates, or scales.

Fifteenth century sabatons consisted of a toe cap, four articulated lames, a foot plate, an ankle plate, and a hinged heel cap. The different parts were joined with buckle straps.

There’s an effigy of Richard Beauchamp, the 13th Earl of Warwick in the Collegiate Church of St. Mary in Warwick that shows how the sabatons were worn (detailed above). Although the effigy doesn’t show spurs, there are remains of rivet holes and staples that indicate they would have been directly attached to the heel cap of the sabaton.

Two small holes on top of the sabaton’s toes were used to tie the front end of them to the shoe using lace or string. The back was secured by a buckle and strap circling behind the heel.


THE KNIGHT IN BATTLE

This late 15th-century picture of the battle of Neville’s Cross in 1346 shows fallen warhorses. Despite their power, horses proved vulnerable to English archers, especially when using hunting broadhead arrows with wide cutting surfaces.

This late 15th-century depiction from Jean Froissart’s Chroniques of the battle of Crécy on 26 August 1346 shows many elements of medieval armies, including archers, crossbowmen, foot soldiers and mounted knights.

Flags took several forms. The pennon or pennoncelle was a small triangular flag nailed to the lance behind the head, and was painted with the owner’s arms. Bannerets had a banner, in the 13th century usually a slim rectangular flag with the longest side against the staff, where it was nailed or tied in place. Banners bore their owner’s arms and were carried by banner bearers whose duty was to stay close to their lord. The lord’s arms during the 13th century could also be carried by all of his followers. In 1218 a robber is recorded buying 100 marks’ worth of cloth for his band as though he were a baron or an earl, suggesting that followers could be equipped in coats of the same colour at least. Barons and knights had the right to have their knights and squires wear a badge or uniform.

In battle men looked to their lord’s banner, which was usually carried furled and only broken out when fighting was expected. Its symbolism was of high import: if it fell or was captured there was a risk of panic, and it would be protected by several tough men. Signals were given by trumpet or by hand, especially if the noise made shouting ineffective. Trumpets were also used to call the troops to arms before battle. War cries were used to frighten the enemy and bolster courage.

When fighting on foot the knight relied in part on his following – his squires, household and retained men – to watch his back. In the 14th century he might wear a jupon with his coat-of-arms displayed on front and rear, but equally some were plain and a warrior with his visor down was then difficult to recognize. As well as the banner, for his followers, a man of rank might, by the end of the century, also have a standard, a long flag perhaps carrying the red cross of St George next to the fly, then elements of his heraldic coat, such as main charges and colours, and perhaps his motto, the war-cry shouted to rally and encourage his men.

By the 15th century, surcoats were increasingly discarded and, with a lack of shields, it was essential that the banner-bearer remain close to his master, following his horse’s tail, as it was said. A lord might give the order not to move more than 10 feet (or a similar measurement) from the standards, but if the line slightly shifted it would not be too difficult in the confusion of battle to strike out accidentally at an ally.

In order to carry out heraldic identification and to deliver messages, important nobles employed their own heralds wearing tabards of their master’s arms, and trumpeters with the arms on hangings below the instruments.

The outcome of a war in the medieval age hung not merely upon skill at arms in fact, this could actually be a secondary factor. John made an abortive attempt to invade Wales in 1211 that failed because of a lack of supplies Llywelyn and the Welsh collected their belongings and cattle and withdrew into the mountains. In 1265 Simon de Montfort’s troops were unable to get their normal food and suffered from having to live off the land in Wales. Edward I fought no major battles in Wales – the ground was wrong for cavalry and the Welsh fought more as guerrillas. Knights were often hampered by the mountainous terrain but the English were nevertheless victorious in two engagements. Edward instead used attrition. He launched his first campaign against Wales both by land and sea, using labourers and woodcutters to make a road through the forests, building castles and cutting off the grain supply from Anglesey. In 1282 a bridge of boats was built to cross to Anglesey.

The king used similar tactics against the Scots. The first campaign in 1296 was completed in just over five months, with Scotland annexed to England. After his victory at Falkirk in 1298 he was able to provision his garrisons. He was in Scotland again in 1300, besieging Caerlaverock Castle and leading his armies across the country, but the Scots withdrew and refused battle. English armies would always be hampered by problems of supply in Scotland: the further they ventured, the longer the lifeline to England became. Moreover, many English-held castles were scattered and remote, making it difficult to march swiftly from one to another, or to relieve a fortress if besieged.

Scouts were used to locate enemy forces, after which the commanders tried to work out the best way to proceed. Armies made use of terrain where possible, and were careful to protect a flank if feasible. William Marshal, in a speech to his troops before the second battle of Lincoln in 1217, pointed out how the enemy’s division of his force meant that Marshal could lead all his men against one part alone. Other commanders were less prudent or simply hotheaded. The decision by the Earl of Surrey in 1297 to cross Stirling Bridge with the Scots in near proximity was foolhardy, since there was a wide ford 2 miles upstream that would have allowed a flank attack, and indeed Sir Richard Lundy had suggested this move. As it turned out, William Wallace and Andrew Murray attacked before even half the English force was across the bridge and the majority of those caught on the wrong bank were crushed.

When Edward was in direct control he proved a good tactician, as he showed at Evesham in 1265. He advanced to stop Simon de Montfort reaching Kenilworth, and divided his army into three battles to block his escape. Caught in a loop of the River Avon, Simon’s vain hope of killing Edward was dashed when the second battle swung into his flank while the third blocked any escape back south.

In his Scottish campaign of 1298, Edward brought 2,500 heavy cavalry and probably about 15,000 infantry. At Falkirk he faced the Scots arrayed in their schiltrons, tightly packed formations presenting a hedge of spears towards any attacker. They may have additionally fortified the position with wooden stakes. Again, disagreement was found among the division leaders: having skirted to the right of wet ground, the Bishop of Durham sensibly wanted to wait for the earls of the left-hand division to come level, and for the king who was bringing up the centre. But the impetuous young Ralph Bassett urged the cavalry on. Swinging out round the flanks, the two English divisions rode down the Scottish archers stationed between the schiltrons, and the Scottish cavalry broke and fled. However, the horsemen could not break the determined Scottish ranks of spears and it was the move by the king to bring up his archers and crossbowmen that helped prevent his knights dashing themselves to pieces. English cavalry deterred the Scots from breaking their ranks, and they were then forced to stand their ground until the archers withdrew, allowing the cavalry finally to break through. Even so, over 100 horses were killed. It should be noted that there appear to have been more cavalrymen in the battle than archers, and that crossbowmen were also used. Edward does not seem as yet to have developed his tactic of using massed longbows to decimate enemy ranks.

Knights at this time still often fought from horseback, changing to their destriers or coursers from the palfreys they used for riding. There is no evidence that cavalry routinely dismounted during the Welsh wars.

When delivered correctly the charge of the heavy horse was a formidable weapon that could smash a hole in enemy ranks. The charge began as a walk, increasing speed when within suitable range so that the horses would not be blown or the formation disorganized when the final push came. The mounted charge could still be highly effective, the knights riding almost knee to knee with lowered lances in the hope of steam-rollering over the opposition. The lance usually shattered during the first charge, the stump being dropped and, if need be, the sword was drawn, or perhaps a mace or horseman’s axe. Inventories from the 13th century show that horses killed in battle largely belong to knights and those with mounts of quality in other words, the knights formed the front line.

Another problem with a mounted charge was discipline. As happened at Lewes, the charge by Prince Edward’s cavalry was successful but the elated horsemen kept going, pursuing their opponents so far as to put themselves out of the battle as well. The threat of the front line being completely penetrated was one reason commanders sometimes used a reserve, as did Simon de Montfort at Lewes. The knights who burst through might turn and strike the rear of the enemy line. The reserve was also quite often the position of the commander, with subordinates controlling the forward battles.

During the 14th century war was conducted in a number of ways. The chevauchée was one method. Like the well-tried feudal tactics that preceded it, the aim was to disrupt the economy of the area by swift movement, seizing food for the soldiers and destroying crops, villages and peasants (thereby insulting the lord of the place into the bargain) while evading danger to oneself by avoiding castles unless they were easy to capture.

Successful battles for the English required the use of cavalry to smash a hole in the enemy ranks, and the matchless skills of the English archers. However, as in the previous century, there were times when the cavalry shock manoeuvre could not be used effectively, for example in the bogs and mountains of Wales or against the Scottish schiltrons.

The young Edward III composed his forces so that the bulk of infantry were bowmen, and were mostly mounted to assist swift movement on the march. His men-at-arms were much more likely now to dismount on the battlefield to form the front divisions (called ‘battles’). Where possible, they stood in a naturally defended position with their archers, thus forcing the enemy to wear themselves out attacking them, a style of warfare first tested in battle against the Scots. Froissart describes how, in 1327, when Edward’s troops encountered the Scots, they were ordered to dismount and take off their spurs before forming themselves into three battles. In 1332 a force of the ‘disinherited Scots’ under the pretender Balliol (in fact pretty much an English force) invaded Scotland and after an abortive attack on the Scottish camp on the River Earn, formed a single block of dismounted men-at-arms at Dupplin Muir, with wings of archers and a small mounted reserve. The Scots, under the Regent, Donald, Earl of Mar, withered under the archery, and many of Balliol’s men-at-arms remounted to chase the routed enemy.

When Edward launched his main campaign against France, the English took their new double-pronged strategy with them. The first encounter in France was in 1342 when the English, driven back from the siege of Morlaix, formed up with a wood at their backs, a stream on one flank and dug a ditch to protect the front. Despite being pushed back to the woods, the English held their enemies off. At Crécy in 1346, dismounted men-at-arms and archers beat off repeated attacks by French cavalry, whose horses were a prime target for arrows. That same year this combination defeated a Scottish invasion at Neville’s Cross near the city of Durham, but there was heavy pressure on the English centre and right until a mounted English reserve was brought up and caught the Scots by surprise, the victory made complete by the arrival of reinforcements. At Poitiers in 1356 a mounted reserve swung the battle for the English, who were hard pressed in their defensive array by dismounted Frenchmen. The reserves turned the battle round and King John himself was captured.

In 1351 at Saintes the French retained mounted wings of horse to try to break up the archers on the flanks, and retained this formation for the rest of the century. At Nogent-sur-Seine in 1359 they succeeded in breaking into the English formation of archers in this way, whereas the men-at-arms kept tightly packed.

The significance of English archers in the French theatre is shown by the defeat at Ardres in 1351, where Sir John Beauchamp, caught by a dismounted French force as he returned from a raid, lined a ditch and held them off until they came to close quarters and another force broke up the archers.

In 1345 an English relieving force under the Earl of Derby charged into a French siege camp before Auberoche, the archers and men-at-arms doing much damage, while a sortie from the garrison finally broke the French forces. This form of surprise attack would occur again at La Roche Derien in 1347 during the Breton War of Succession, when an English relieving force fell on the French siege camp at night.

After Poitiers there were no further major battles between England and France until Agincourt in 1415. It was not battles that won a country as much as hard sieges: the French generally refused to fight in the open, instead shutting themselves up in castles and fortified towns, and forcing the English to besiege them, or else wander the countryside.

With the Treaty of Bretigny in 1360 garrisons emptied, and groups of soldiers formed free companies under captains such as Sir Robert Knollys (perhaps the earliest) and Sir John Hawkwood. These ‘rutters’, as the English called them, or routiers, actually consisted of men from many nationalities, though the French often referred to them all as ‘English’. Each company often consisted of only a few hundred men, archers, infantry and men-at-arms. A typical ploy was to seize one or two strong castles and use them as bases from which to terrorize an area. They hired their services out to rulers, and according to Froissart, the Black Prince used 12,000 of them in Castile. At the end of the 14th century they tended to disappear until their rebirth on a smaller scale after the renewal of war by Henry V.

English forces were also involved in Spain. At Najera in 1367 the army of the Black Prince formed three entirely dismounted lines, the main battle in the centre, to face a Castilian force including many French soldiers, also in three lines but with many cavalry. The men-at-arms again fought well, ably supported by archers who out-ranged the Spanish javelin-wielding mounted jinetes. They also out-shot crossbowmen and slingers, who drew back, allowing the English men-at-arms to overlap the enemy division. When the English rearguard swung in on the flank, the Spanish and French lines shattered.

By the 15th century, the knight often fought on foot. He had been trained to fight mounted, with a lance, but it was often more effective to dismount most of the men-at-arms and to keep only a small mounted reserve. This was partly due to the increasing threat from missiles. In France during the early 15th century, the English forces used tactics learned the previous century. If the armoured fighting men were kept near the blocks of archers and all waited for the enemy to advance, it meant the latter arrived in a more tired state, all the while harassed by the arrows from the archers and compressed by a natural tendency to shy away from them. This bunching could then work to the advantage of the English who used their archers to strike at the press of French soldiers, now aggravated by those behind pushing forward, as happened at Agincourt. The groups of mounted men-at-arms who tried to outflank the archers at the start of the battle were foiled by the woods which protected each end of the English line, and found to their cost the price of facing archers when mounted.

When archers were in a strong position, ideally defended by stakes, hedges or ditches, a cavalry charge was extremely dangerous. Even when the horses were protected by armour, there was always some exposed part that an arrow could strike, and arrows went deep. Shafts fitted with broad hunting heads made short work of flesh, and the horses became unmanageable even when not mortally wounded. The mounted knight then became useless as he fought for control or was thrown to the ground as the animal collapsed. It is worth noting that only a few hundred at each end of the French line attacked, and of these a few still reached the stakes despite the volleys of presumably thousands of arrows launched at them. Yet it was the dismounted men-at-arms who did most of the fighting in this battle, and it was they who, according to one chronicler, pushed the English line back a spear’s length before everything became jammed up:

But when the French nobility, who at first approached in full front, had nearly joined battle, either from fear of the arrows, which by their impetuosity pierced through the sides and bevors of their basinets, or that they might more speedily penetrate our ranks to the banners, they divided themselves into three troops, charging our line in three places where the banners were: and intermingling their spears closely, they assaulted our men with so ferocious an impetuosity, that they compelled them to retreat almost at spear’s length.

Since plate armour obviated the need for a shield, and fighting dismounted meant the rein hand was free, it became common for knights on foot to carry a two-handed staff weapon in addition to the sword hanging at their side. At first this was often a lance cut down to a length of around 6–7ft (1.8–2.1m). Increasingly, other staff weapons were carried, which could deal more effectively with plate armour. One of the most popular was the pollaxe, designed to dent or crush the plates, either to wound the wearer or so damage the plates that they ceased to function properly.

Mounted men were very useful in a rout, for they could catch up a fleeing enemy and cut him down with minimum risk to themselves, especially if he was lightly armoured. Indeed, catching archers out of position was the best way for cavalry to scatter them before they got a chance to deploy. In the Hundred Years’ War this was not too much of a problem for English knights, since the French did not use archers on a large scale. During the Wars of the Roses, archers fought on both sides in Yorkist and Lancastrian armies and, for the most part, the men-at-arms found it best to stick with the tried-and-trusted methods and fight on foot.

FIELD MEDICINE, DEATH AND BURIAL

Knights who were injured or sick faced two obstacles on any road to recovery. First, dependent on their rank, they might or might not get the chance to see a surgeon. Second, if they did get medical attention, a great deal depended on the quality of the physician and the nature of the wound. The king and the great nobles would have surgeons in their pay and such men would travel with their master when they were on the move. Thomas Morestede is styled as the King’s Surgeon in his agreement with Henry V for the invasion of France in 1415, where he is also to provide three archers and 12 ‘hommes de son mestier’ (men of his service). In addition, William Bradwardyn is listed as a surgeon and both he and Morestede came with nine more surgeons each, making a total of 20 for the army. Some surgeons were retained by indenture in the same way as the soldiers. John Paston, who was hit below the right elbow by an arrow during the battle of Barnet in 1471, managed to escape with other fleeing Yorkists but lost his baggage. His brother sent a surgeon who stayed with him and used his ‘leechcraft’ and ‘physic’ until the wound was on the mend, though John complained it cost £5 in a fortnight and he was broke.

The medical care itself was a mixture of skill and luck, since astrology and the doctrine of humours played a large part in medical care. Surgeons of repute were taught at the school of Montpellier in the Languedoc-Roussillon region of southern France, but even these men would have had limited skills. Many could treat broken legs or dislocations successfully, even hernias, and carried out amputations, though a lack of knowledge of bacteria made it a risky business for the patient. Some used alcohol, opium or mandragora to dull the pain. Neither instruments nor hands were necessarily washed. Open wounds could be treated by stitching, and egg yolks were recognized as a soothing balm. However, blood flow was staunched by the use of a hot iron.

Arrows might go deep, though by the 15th century it was less common to be hit by one with a head bearing barbs, especially when wearing armour. Yet arrows were often stuck in the ground for swift reloading, and conveyed on their tips a lethal dose of dirt which, together with cloth fragments, would be carried into the wound. Abdominal wounds were usually fatal, and surgery in this area was fairly lethal, since any tear in the gut would allow material into the abdominal cavity (not to mention dirt from the weapon used), resulting in peritonitis and death. However, skeletons from the battle of Towton in 1461 show that men did survive quite horrendous wounds. Bones show evidence of slashing blows which bit through muscle into the bone itself, in some cases shearing off pieces. One individual in particular had been in battle before, having been struck across the jaw with such force that the blade cut across to the other side of the mouth. He also had wounds to the skull, but survived all of these, with some disfigurement, to face action once more at Towton, knowing what that might entail – in this instance his own death. Although knights might wear better armour, it was (theoretically) their job to lead from the front. Some unfortunate knights neither escaped nor perished, but were left for dead, robbed and left half-naked in the open unless by chance they were discovered and succoured.

Much of the Towton evidence comes from men who were infantry. Compression of the left arm bones strongly suggests that some were almost certainly longbowmen. They appear to have been killed during the rout or after capture, and some have several wounds, especially to the head, suggesting that once cut down, further blows were delivered to finish them off. Presumably they had no helmet, or had discarded or lost it while being pursued. The victims were then placed in grave pits. Knights and men of rank might escape such a fate. After Agincourt, the Duke of York’s body was boiled and the bones brought back to England for burial. Similarly those of lords would be found either by their retainers or else by heralds, whose job it was to wander the field and book the dead (meaning those with coats-of-arms), which gave the victor a good indication of how he had fared. The families would then transport the body back to be buried on home ground, in the case of the nobility next to their ancestors. Otherwise they were buried locally, usually in a churchyard.

During the turmoil of the Wars of the Roses, with men supporting rivals to the throne, treason was an easy and swift charge to bring. For example, after the battle of Wakefield in 1460, Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, was captured and executed next day. Men of rank killed while in revolt might also undergo the degradation of public humiliation. This was not common during the first part of the 15th century, since much of the time knights fought in France, where they were usually treated as honourable opponents. Warwick the Kingmaker, however, having been slain at Barnet in 1471, was brought to London and displayed for all to see, before his body was allowed to rest at Bisham Abbey with other family members. Richard III was exposed for two days in the Church of St Mary in the Newarke in Leicester, naked except for a piece of cloth, and then buried in a plain tomb in the house of the Grey Friars nearby. Salisbury’s head, with those of the Duke of York and his young son, the Earl of Rutland, both killed at Wakefield, was stuck on a spike on the walls of York, the Duke’s complete with a paper crown.

Being treated to the indignity of having one’s head spiked on London Bridge or on other town gates served as a warning to all those passing beneath. However, a number of attainders (loss of civil rights following a sentence for treason) were reversed, such as that of Sir Richard Tunstall who, despite being placed in the Tower, managed to persuade Edward IV that he was more use alive and gained his favour. Children of those who died accused of treason did not usually suffer because of it, though their father’s lands might pass to the crown until they inherited them.

In contrast to this brutality, there is evidence that humanity and regret did exist. Chantry chapels were set up on various battlefields to pray for the souls of those who died, for example at Barnet, some half a mile (800m) from the town, where the corpses were buried. Richard III endowed Queen’s College, Cambridge, for prayers to be said for those of his retinue who perished at Barnet and Tewkesbury. Nobles might make provision for men of their retinues to be cared for if wounded Henry of Northumberland told his executors to carry out such wishes if he should be killed at Bosworth.


About Medieval suits of armor

Suit of armor is a garment set used by Medieval warriors to protect themselves in battles. It appeared in the 14th century all over the Europe, reached its peak of usage and popularity during the 15th — 16th centuries and was going out of use starting from 17th century. Before the development of suits of armor, troops were using the chainmail-brigand sets for maximizing the body protection. However, the development of metallurgy and constantly progressing craftsmanship improvement resulted in the creation of the suit of armor. The production of medieval full knight armor was the pinnacle of blacksmithing that required considerable skills, effort and cost, therefore a medieval armored suits were actually not only combat suits but status goods as well.

Types of full suits of armor

A great variety of armour suits types were created throughout the history of Medieval warriors’ garments development. Yet some of them were more popular and famous then the others:

  • Churburg style armor was a kind of transitional stage from chainmail to Milanese armour. This brigandine based set did not yet cover the entire body of a fighter, but was close to that

  • Knight’s full suit of armor was really popular at the end of the 14th century throughout Europe when metal plates began to replace brigandines. This is the elder brother of brilliant tournament armor, not so artsy, but extremely reliable

  • Milanese full suit of armor were popular during 15th century and you can recognize it by its functional smooth and sleek outlines even at corrugations. Moreover, its really large pauldrons protected the armpits better than any other armor did

  • Gothic full suit of armor was a typical representant of the chic and brutal 15th century armor school. Usually, it consisted of the sallet helmet and armpits protection with separate plates, mainly discs. One of the main features of German gothic full armor was lots of corrugation which made armor plates more rigid but elastic at the same time

  • Maximilian armour was a kind of knight fashion of 16th century battle suits. Its rich decoration with fluting deflected enemy's weapon and increased armor strength. It was a combination of the Italian rounded and the German fluted styles. You can see this corrugation at Maximilian`s lite and dandy version — Landsknecht three-quarter armor
  • Greenwich armor appeared due to the ambitions of Henry VIII and Royal Almain Armoury he founded. This Incredibly beautiful decorated tournament armor suits imitated fashion clothing and were based on Milanese and Maximilian armoury schools. Then and now it is not only an armor, but also a work of art. Clearly, if you are wearing one of these — you are not a common person

  • Japanese armor was samurai version of full combat armor suit. It was fundamentally different from European one consisting of many small iron, leather plates or their combination connected to each other by cords and rivets. It was substantially more lightweight than west armors as samurai had to be able not only to fight and ride a horse, but also do archery

Suits of armor parts

Suit of armor was a complex of armor parts combined to provide a superior warrior’s protection. From head to foot, it consists of:

  • Head armor — helmet, bevor or gorget
  • Arms armor — shoulder and elbow armor, gauntlets/gloves, bracers
  • Body armor — breastplate, metal skirt/tassets
  • Legs armor — cuisses, poleyns/knee caps, greaves and sabatons

Let us also remind you about such important elements as gambesons and other underarmor. Using this entire metallic splendor will be much more comfortable with them. If you do not have one, Steel Mastery is happy and ready to provide you a wide range of comfortable, high-quality gambesons that your new suit of armor fits perfectly on.

In addition, in case you already own a full suit armor, but would like to replace some outworn or damaged elements, we will gladly help you to replenish your suit to its best. Visit our head armor, arm armor, hand armor, body armor, leg armor and foot armor pages to find the elements you want or contact us directly via email [email protected]

Why full suits of armor by Steel Mastery?

When you buy armor suit from Steel Mastery, you get such cool benefits as:

  • Great variety of hand-crafted medieval suits of armor, made by highest standards from brutal IMCF/HMB to noble HEMA, suits from games and movies armors embodiment to gorgeous replicas of real royal suits of armour
  • Ability to own your personal custom real armor suit, made by our blacksmiths according to your individual parameters. You can order an armour suit of any style and country, made of steel or titanium of any thickness, a wide range of final treatment and polishing variants, decorations with etching, brass strips or painting
  • Excellent quality, maximum protection, distinguished mobility and convenience
  • Not just suits of armour, but precious legacy, your descendants will be able to own
  • Work of highly qualified blacksmiths, who choose traditional armoury as their passion in life and vocation

If you have any questions, please contact us via email [email protected] and we will be happy to provide any advice and assistance you need in choosing the type, materials, decorations etc. for your suit of armor.


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